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<prism:coverDisplayDate>December 2009</prism:coverDisplayDate>
<prism:publicationName>Language and Speech</prism:publicationName>
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<title>Language and Speech</title>
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<item rdf:about="http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/391?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Variability in Word Duration as a Function of Probability, Speech Style, and Prosody]]></title>
<link>http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/391?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>This article examines how probability (lexical frequency and previous mention), speech style, and prosody affect word duration, and how these factors interact. Participants read controlled materials in clear and plain speech styles. As expected, more probable words (higher frequencies and second mentions) were significantly shorter than less probable words, and words in plain speech were significantly shorter than those in clear speech. Interestingly, we found second mention reduction effects in both clear and plain speech, indicating that while clear speech is hyper-articulated, this hyper-articulation does not override probabilistic effects on duration. We also found an interaction between mention and frequency, but only in plain speech. High frequency words allowed more second mention reduction than low frequency words in plain speech, revealing a tendency to hypo-articulate as much as possible when all factors support it. Finally, we found that first mentions were more likely to be accented than second mentions. However, when these differences in accent likelihood were controlled, a significant second mention reduction effect remained. This supports the concept of a direct link between probability and duration, rather than a relationship solely mediated by prosodic prominence.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Baker, R. E., Bradlow, A. R.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Fri, 20 Nov 2009 03:59:59 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/0023830909336575</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Variability in Word Duration as a Function of Probability, Speech Style, and Prosody]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>52</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>413</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-12-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>391</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/415?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Event-related Potentials Reflecting the Processing of Phonological Constraint Violations]]></title>
<link>http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/415?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>How are violations of phonological constraints processed in word comprehension? The present article reports the results of an event-related potentials (ERP) study on a phonological constraint of German that disallows identical segments within a syllable or word (CC<SUB> i</SUB>VC<SUB>i</SUB>). We examined three types of monosyllabic CCVC words: (a) existing words ( p k), (b) wellformed novel words ( p f), and (c) illformed novel words ( p p) as instances of Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) violations. Wellformed and illformed novel words evoked an N400 effect in comparison to existing words. In addition, illformed words produced an enhanced late posterior positivity effect compared to wellformed novel words. Our findings support the well-known observation that novel words evoke higher costs in lexical integration (reflected by N400 effects). Crucially, modulations of a late positive component (LPC) show that violations of phonotactic constraints influence later stages of cognitive processing even when stimuli have already been detected as non-existing. Thus, the comparison of electrophysiological effects evoked by the two types of non-existing words reveals the stages at which phonologically based structural wellformedness comes into play during word processing.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Domahs, U., Kehrein, W., Knaus, J., Wiese, R., Schlesewsky, M.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Fri, 20 Nov 2009 03:59:59 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/0023830909336581</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Event-related Potentials Reflecting the Processing of Phonological Constraint Violations]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>52</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>435</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-12-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>415</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/437?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[L1-Spanish Speakers' Acquisition of the English /i/--/ / Contrast II: Perception of Vowel Inherent Spectral Change1]]></title>
<link>http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/437?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>L1-Spanish learners of English have been reported to distinguish English /i/ and / / on the basis of duration cues, whereas L1-English listeners primarily use spectral cues. Morrison (2008a) hypothesized that duration-based perception is a secondary developmental stage that emerges from an initial stage of multidimensional-category-goodness assimilation of tokens of English /i/ and / / to Spanish /i/, with English vowel tokens perceived to be good examples of Spanish /i/ labeled as English / / and poor examples labeled as English /i/.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Morrison, G. S.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Fri, 20 Nov 2009 03:59:59 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/0023830909336583</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[L1-Spanish Speakers' Acquisition of the English /i/--/ / Contrast II: Perception of Vowel Inherent Spectral Change1]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>52</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>462</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-12-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>437</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/463?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Phonetic Specificity in Early Lexical Acquisition: New Evidence from Consonants in Coda Positions]]></title>
<link>http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/463?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Use of precise consonantal information while learning new words has been established for onset consonants in previous studies, which showed that infants as young as 16 to 20 months of age can simultaneously learn two new words that differ only by a syllable-initial consonant (Havy &amp; Nazzi, 2009; Nazzi, 2005; Nazzi &amp; New, 2007; Werker, Fennell, Corcoran, &amp; Stager, 2002). However, there is no systematic evidence to show whether specific phonetic information in other positions within the syllable can be used while learning new words. To the contrary, Nazzi (2005) found that when tested using the same task, 20-month-olds can learn two words that differ only by a consonant, but fail to do so if they differ only by a vowel, leaving open the possibility that specificity is limited to syllable-onset positions. Accordingly, the present study evaluated 20-month-olds&rsquo; ability to learn two words that differ only by a consonant in either onset or coda position. Infants succeeded for both positions, ruling out the possibility that only syllable-onset positions are specified. This further suggests that the previously reported consonant/ vowel asymmetry cannot be fully explained by syllable-onset positional effects. Additionally, the present study evaluated whether words following a predominant labial-coronal pattern would be easier to learn than less frequent coronal-labial words. It failed to obtain any such evidence.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Nazzi, T., Bertoncini, J.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Fri, 20 Nov 2009 03:59:59 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/0023830909336584</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Phonetic Specificity in Early Lexical Acquisition: New Evidence from Consonants in Coda Positions]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>52</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>480</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-12-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>463</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/481?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Intentional Control and Operational Constraints in Prosodic Phrasing: A Study of Picture-elicited Narrations by French Children]]></title>
<link>http://las.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/52/4/481?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>This study deals with the determinants of prosodic phrasing in French schoolchildren&rsquo;s narratives. Children (aged 7 to 11) told picture stories to a silent same-age peer. The establishment of temporal and/or causal relations between the events was more or less guided by the drawings (ordered vs. arbitrary sequences). The comprehension of the referential links was more or less supported by the way the frames were displayed (simultaneous vs. consecutive display mode). Four storytelling conditions that differed by the constraints imposed on inference-resolving and memory-searching were thus defined.</p><p>Na&iuml;ve French listeners were asked to segment tape-recorded narrations using prosodic variation as a criterion, and to decide whether each prosodic segment was "conclusive" or "continuative." The comparison of the listeners&rsquo; segmentation labels to those of an expert (functional and formal annotation) showed that more than 91% of the labels corresponded to prosodic boundaries and more than 78% of the non-terminal labels corresponded to non-terminal boundaries, but only 55% of the terminal labels corresponded to terminal boundaries. The storytellers&rsquo; boundaries were then analyzed as a function of age and storytelling conditions. Non-terminal and terminal boundaries varied with the picture-display mode. Terminal boundaries also depended on the type of event sequence, and non-terminal boundaries on the improvement of the linguistic and communicative skills of the narrators. Terminal judgments of non-terminal boundaries mainly occurred in texts where each event was told in a single proposition either without anaphoric references to the main character or with anaphoric pronouns.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Vion, M., Colas, A.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Fri, 20 Nov 2009 03:59:59 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/0023830909336585</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Intentional Control and Operational Constraints in Prosodic Phrasing: A Study of Picture-elicited Narrations by French Children]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>52</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>513</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-12-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>481</prism:startingPage>
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